Dakryn's Batshit Theory of the Week

Inequality is not "wrong" or "bad" (I'm repeating myself because I feel as though I have to). Inequality-as-pain-and-suffering is unethical, specifically when internalized and perpetuated by a politico-economic system; and this is what I'm speaking about. You can keep trying to parse these things out, but inequality shares a direct correlation with unhappiness.

And furthermore, the unhappiness of those in sub-Saharan Africa is an effect of global capitalism.
 
Inequality is not "wrong" or "bad" (I'm repeating myself because I feel as though I have to). Inequality-as-pain-and-suffering is unethical, specifically when internalized and perpetuated by a politico-economic system; and this is what I'm speaking about. You can keep trying to parse these things out

Ok: Is any level of pain or suffering for anyone for any reason unethical?

inequality shares a direct correlation with unhappiness.

So?

And furthermore, the unhappiness of those in sub-Saharan Africa is an effect of global capitalism.

If we must roll all things (market, government, military, revolutionary forces, radical Islam, etc) up in one big ball called "global capitalism", well then of course. But it becomes both correct and useless by definition.
 
Ok: Is any level of pain or suffering for anyone for any reason unethical?

In my opinion, abiding widespread pain/suffering/unhappines in a culture that has the means to prevent it is unconscionable.

This does not mean that we should provide for everyone, or that we are able to. What it means is that we need to stop rationalizing our behavior through irrational ideological fantasies. We need to confront ethics by admitting that we live in an inherently unethical system. Believe it or not, this is the first step in a cognitive process of realization that is very important for emancipating future generations.


So.

Capitalism thrives on inequality. This means it thrives on unhappiness.

If we must roll all things (market, government, military, revolutionary forces, radical Islam, etc) up in one big ball called "global capitalism", well then of course. But it becomes both correct and useless by definition.

The first step is always denial. Getting past that will be impressive; and to do so, we need to accept that global capital is the root cause of a lot of suffering.

Its innovations and improvements matter, but not in this context; we have to accept that it's unethical, and proceed forward on the basis that we exist in a fundamentally unethical system.
 
In my opinion, abiding widespread pain/suffering/unhappiness in a culture that has the means to prevent it is unconscionable.

This does not mean that we should provide for everyone, or that we are able to. What it means is that we need to stop rationalizing our behavior through irrational ideological fantasies. We need to confront ethics by admitting that we live in an inherently unethical system. Believe it or not, this is the first step in a cognitive process of realization that is very important for emancipating future generations.

I'm not denying that either market processes or "global capitalism" do not lead to equality. But you are refusing to provide any foundation for making an ethical claim about inequality.

Is it categorically unethical to cause unhappiness? Do humans have an absolute claim to happiness? Etc.


Capitalism thrives on inequality. This means it thrives on unhappiness.

Accepting this line of argument for the sake of argument: So? Again, unhappiness is extremely relative. I know you are familiar with the phrase "first world problems"? Or possibly the proverb that "with much learning comes much sorrow"? If achieving "happiness"(whatever happiness even means) is the prime directive, it seems we would do well to destroy as much knowledge and wealth as possible.

The first step is always denial. Getting past that will be impressive; and to do so, we need to accept that global capital is the root cause of a lot of suffering.

Its innovations and improvements matter, but not in this context; we have to accept that it's unethical, and proceed forward on the basis that we exist in a fundamentally unethical system.


So far you have provided no reason to accept this except on pure preference. I agree the current system is unethical, problematic, etc. But for other reasons. Please convince me that it is categorically unethical because of inequality.
 
But you are refusing to provide any foundation for making an ethical claim about inequality.

Listen carefully.

The capacity to aid others trumps whether or not we feel like it. If the capacity to assist others exists, and if their need for assistance has been caused by a systematic favoritism, then we have an ethical obligation to:

a) do our best to assist those in need, and
b) admit that the system we live in operates according to, and thrives on, widening the gap between those with opportunity and those without.

Accepting this line of argument for the sake of argument: So? Again, unhappiness is extremely relative. I know you are familiar with the phrase "first world problems"? Or possibly the proverb that "with much learning comes much sorrow"? If achieving "happiness"(whatever happiness even means) is the prime directive, it seems we would do well to destroy as much knowledge and wealth as possible.

You still don't seem to understand what I've said. I'm referring to unhappiness that derives specifically from a systematic structure. I'm speaking specifically about unhappiness as it is derived from inequality - unequal opportunity - and that those who accumulate more do so because of this inequality.

So - the capacity for assisting others is in fact predicated on the fact that those others not be given an equal portion. Success is predicated upon failure. Because success in fact is capable of accumulating vast amounts of capital - more than enough to substantially assist those in need - we have an ethical obligation to do so.

So far you have provided no reason to accept this except on pure preference. I agree the current system is unethical, problematic, etc. But for other reasons. Please convince me that it is categorically unethical because of inequality.

It is categorically unethical because inequality and failure are necessary in order to ensure that others accumulate wealth and enjoy opportunities. Inequality and failure don't exist as simple factual things - i.e. they don't exist in and of themselves (although they can), in which case the ethical argument I'm making wouldn't apply.

Because the wealthy can only be wealthy at the expense of vast poverty and disparagement, there exists an ethical obligation to feed some of that wealth back to those who need it.

Capitalism in its purest and truest form operates on the axiom that vast amounts of wealth centralize in few individuals while vast majorities of people remain disenfranchised from accumulated wealth.
 
Listen carefully.

The capacity to aid others trumps whether or not we feel like it. If the capacity to assist others exists, and if their need for assistance has been caused by a systematic favoritism, then we have an ethical obligation to:

a) do our best to assist those in need, and
b) admit that the system we live in operates according to, and thrives on, widening the gap between those with opportunity and those without.

This does not approach a coherent argument, even with extremely vague words like "capacity", "we", "others", "aid", and such. It experiences an immediate disconnect between "capacity to aid trumps feel" and the qualifier "if the need is via systemic favoritism", before jumping the rails entirely with "admit that the system we live in operates according to/thrives on (an opportunity gap)".

Assertion B is glaringly offered without any sort of evidence. In contrast, since it speaks in terms of opportunity, available evidence contradicts the assertion.

WP: Economic mobility hasn't changed in half a century

Then, of course, there's the massive standard of living rise sweeping China.

So while there might be a widening range (at least at the moment), the ability to move up and down in those ranges is staying flat. In light of this, while it might be accurate to charge that the current system, at least in the US, isn't improving mobility, it isn't "thriving on widening the gap in opportunity".

Of course, I would insist on teasing out specific processes which transfer wealth via non-voluntary measures rather than just doing the "aggregate" approach.

Whether you wish to acknowledge it or not, there is a vast difference in the transfer process of Quantitative Easing and millions of people deciding whether to shop at Amazon or MaNPop.

Finally, most ethical frameworks (excluding maybe Egotism?) generally assert that people should help people, albeit via different arguments. I don't even see a specific appeal to utilitarianistic arguments, just "because inequality, unhappiness, pain and suffering". Well none of those things are necessarily problematic in themselves, even when "systemic".

You still don't seem to understand what I've said. I'm referring to unhappiness that derives specifically from a systematic structure. I'm speaking specifically about unhappiness as it is derived from inequality - unequal opportunity - and that those who accumulate more do so because of this inequality.

So - the capacity for assisting others is in fact predicated on the fact that those others not be given an equal portion. Success is predicated upon failure. Because success in fact is capable of accumulating vast amounts of capital - more than enough to substantially assist those in need - we have an ethical obligation to do so.

First, I want to be clear I'm not categorically defending the current system. Secondly, I want to be clear that I find your word usage necessarily vague, your conceptualizations inaccurate even with the vague word usage, and the arguments completely disjointed. This is, of course, a direct result of the insistence on vagueries and generalizations that really meet the definition of "hasty", even for all the time and thought put into them by so many people. But I'm interpreting this portion as identifying the ethical problem (without support though), and then an attempt at offering the ethical alternative.

I think the disconnect I want to focus on here is the constant flipflopping between talking about opportunity and capital accumulation. You claim to be concerned about the inequality of opportunity, but instead of responding with "we need to increase equality of opportunity", you just fall into the "throw money at the problem" routine - capital transfer, "redistribution". This is at best an entrenchment of inequality, and at worse a catastrophic disaster for all. So it is neither coherent nor helpful.

It is categorically unethical because inequality and failure are necessary in order to ensure that others accumulate wealth and enjoy opportunities. Inequality and failure don't exist as simple factual things - i.e. they don't exist in and of themselves (although they can), in which case the ethical argument I'm making wouldn't apply.

Because the wealthy can only be wealthy at the expense of vast poverty and disparagement, there exists an ethical obligation to feed some of that wealth back to those who need it.

Even in the current system, that is categorically false; it is also a completely different argument from "inequality of opportunity".

Capitalism in its purest and truest form operates on the axiom that vast amounts of wealth centralize in few individuals while vast majorities of people remain disenfranchised from accumulated wealth.

I thought you shied away from tautologies and "no true scotsman". I could respond two ways: That's an inaccurate description of Capitalism - or that market processes are divorced from the "truest form" of Capitalism.
 
This is a long response, but I'd appreciate some focus on my final comment.

This does not approach a coherent argument, even with extremely vague words like "capacity", "we", "others", "aid", and such. It experiences an immediate disconnect between "capacity to aid trumps feel" and the qualifier "if the need is via systemic favoritism", before jumping the rails entirely with "admit that the system we live in operates according to/thrives on (an opportunity gap)".

Assertion B is glaringly offered without any sort of evidence. In contrast, since it speaks in terms of opportunity, available evidence contradicts the assertion.

Why, thank you.

We come from different schools. You believe that capitalism constitutes a network of (mostly) logical and desirable processes.

I, on the other hand, see our current global condition as produced by the ideology of capitalism, and I see the "problems" (i.e. poverty, corruption, state tyranny, etc.) as merely symptoms of capitalism's inherent contradictions. You see them as corrupting influences on a traditionally "pure" notion of capitalism as free markets. I don't think you can extricate the problems from the market, since they can only ever be caused by the market. But this isn't the root of my problems with capitalism; my problem is that capitalism won't admit these problems to itself. It won't acknowledge that it is the cause of them; it won't admit the unethical core of its own existence.


Because my perspective centers on what I perceive as paradox at the heart of capitalism (which I identify as the "tautology" you criticize later in my post; i.e. that where vast wealth accumulates among a small amount of individuals, vast poverty spreads out among the rest), my argument necessarily will appear illogical to you. Furthermore, the kind of evidence that I would offer would be the kind that you would likely reject outright. The evidence, for me, lies in the simple reality of our modern culture. I can see evidence everywhere; but you don't see it as such. And I label it evidence because of the theories and philosophies that I've read.

The evidence isn't simply that large amounts of people are impoverished; and the evidence isn't simply that most of us ignore such poverty, and/or act as though it doesn't exist.

The evidence lies in the fact that there is widespread poverty and we are allowed to ignore it ideologically. We hear about the war on poverty and that our president is a socialist who wants to spread the wealth... but all of this is fodder that allows us to ignore the real problems. Combine ideology with the cold hard facts: we live in a world where capitalism reigns (and I don't agree with chewing out semantics over what constitutes "true" capitalism - as far as I'm concerned, market regulations and restrictions that exist today are created by capitalism, not in reaction to it), and the ideology that it purports -

The opportunity to act as you choose and provide for yourself, make your own way and enjoy your individual freedom -

is absolutely fake! The entire concept of "freedom," and of capitalism as empowering the cause of freedom is an ideological maneuver. It still confounds me that people can believe this.

WP: Economic mobility hasn't changed in half a century

Then, of course, there's the massive standard of living rise sweeping China.

So while there might be a widening range (at least at the moment), the ability to move up and down in those ranges is staying flat. In light of this, while it might be accurate to charge that the current system, at least in the US, isn't improving mobility, it isn't "thriving on widening the gap in opportunity".

Of course, I would insist on teasing out specific processes which transfer wealth via non-voluntary measures rather than just doing the "aggregate" approach.

Whether you wish to acknowledge it or not, there is a vast difference in the transfer process of Quantitative Easing and millions of people deciding whether to shop at Amazon or MaNPop.

Finally, most ethical frameworks (excluding maybe Egotism?) generally assert that people should help people, albeit via different arguments. I don't even see a specific appeal to utilitarianistic arguments, just "because inequality, unhappiness, pain and suffering". Well none of those things are necessarily problematic in themselves, even when "systemic".

The article you posted doesn't concern me. Economists love to quote statistics demonstrating either change, or no change; but none of it really changes the core of my argument, which is that widespread disenfranchisement (I know you hate this word, but to me it's as specific as can be) is necessary for capitalist production.

Disenfranchisement technically means the denial of the right to vote; in using it here, I mean that vast amounts of people are denied the opportunity to change their conditions of living. It doesn't matter if the statistics on living conditions change; what matters is that it is still widespread. And it is widespread because it is necessary.

Baudrillard said:
We will not destroy the system by a direct, dialectical revolution of the economic or political infrastructure. Everything produced by contradiction, by the relation of forces, or by energy in general, will only feed back into the mechanism and give it impetus, following a circular distortion similar to a Moebius strip. We will never defeat it by following its own logic of energy, calculation, reason and revolution, history and power, or some finality or counter-finality.

Baudrillard, of course, is not a Marxist.

There is no empirical evidence for this other than the fact that poverty exists widespread in our culture today. I'm not providing proof; what I'm doing is interpreting the conditions of modernity in a specific way.

First, I want to be clear I'm not categorically defending the current system. Secondly, I want to be clear that I find your word usage necessarily vague, your conceptualizations inaccurate even with the vague word usage, and the arguments completely disjointed. This is, of course, a direct result of the insistence on vagueries and generalizations that really meet the definition of "hasty", even for all the time and thought put into them by so many people. But I'm interpreting this portion as identifying the ethical problem (without support though), and then an attempt at offering the ethical alternative.

I think the disconnect I want to focus on here is the constant flipflopping between talking about opportunity and capital accumulation. You claim to be concerned about the inequality of opportunity, but instead of responding with "we need to increase equality of opportunity", you just fall into the "throw money at the problem" routine - capital transfer, "redistribution". This is at best an entrenchment of inequality, and at worse a catastrophic disaster for all. So it is neither coherent nor helpful.

Capital accumulation restricts opportunity in other spheres. This is undeniable. You perceive my terms as vague because you don't associate them as I do.

Even in the current system, that is categorically false; it is also a completely different argument from "inequality of opportunity".

I don't think so... and I won't say more here because I feel as though I've said enough above.

I thought you shied away from tautologies and "no true scotsman". I could respond two ways: That's an inaccurate description of Capitalism - or that market processes are divorced from the "truest form" of Capitalism.

The ideology of "pure capitalism" (i.e. free markets) is worthless, in my opinion. I disregard it.

If I'm exposing a tautology, then it's not a flaw in my argument, but an error in reality. As I already said, capitalism circles an absent center rife with paradoxes which I'm attempting to point out. Part of this involves seeing the situation differently; instead of free markets, contingent winners and losers, employers and employees, I see a system that, almost as soon as it's begun, engenders a systematic favoritism. Opportunity grows in certain areas, and decreases in others, and its growth gains momentum that continues to disenfranchise those in the outer wards. In today's global culture, capital = opportunity. This is almost so obvious to me that it justifies its own warrant as an axiom.

But then again, I'm skeptical of any and all axioms, so I'll just say that it's the overwhelming tendency of our historical moment.

Finally...

Let me be clear that communism is also grounded on an unethical core; the difference is that in our global history, communism has come to terms with its "necessary violence," which, of course, Western liberals scorn because they perceive any violence as horrid on an absolute moral level. This is, of course, not the case at all; violence isn't morally wrong. Violence is simply unethical.

Sometimes, unethical action is required. This may be the case for capitalism itself; but, if so, it should not ignore its unethical workings but should admit to them. If the torture of a single child is necessary for the rest of the system to function appropriately, and it is deemed that this is worth the pain and suffering of that single child, then don't conceal the fact of the child's pain. Admit that we succeed only because others are disallowed from success.
 
If I'm exposing a tautology, then it's not a flaw in my argument, but an error in reality. As I already said, capitalism circles an absent center rife with paradoxes which I'm attempting to point out. Part of this involves seeing the situation differently; instead of free markets, contingent winners and losers, employers and employees, I see a system that, almost as soon as it's begun, engenders a systematic favoritism. Opportunity grows in certain areas, and decreases in others, and its growth gains momentum that continues to disenfranchise those in the outer wards. In today's global culture, capital = opportunity. This is almost so obvious to me that it justifies its own warrant as an axiom.

......

Sometimes, unethical action is required. This may be the case for capitalism itself; but, if so, it should not ignore its unethical workings but should admit to them. If the torture of a single child is necessary for the rest of the system to function appropriately, and it is deemed that this is worth the pain and suffering of that single child, then don't conceal the fact of the child's pain. Admit that we succeed only because others are disallowed from success.


Since you requested I focus on the final portion, I want to zero in on these two linked critiques.

Why is it problematic when people choose one thing over another - and why is the resultant success of the mechanism behind the chosen unethical in itself? If I drink a Coke, that means all other possible beverages have "lost". The more people drink Coke vs other beverages, the more capital Coke will have to improve their product and advertise it. So we do see some systemic favoritism here. I don't see the unethical here - A person or a group of persons are rewarded by other persons for improving their life. Those who have not improved the lives of others are not rewarded. The other options are as follows:

2. There are no beverages, so that there can be no "unethical process of not being selected".
3. There is only one beverage so that there can be no "unethical process of not being selected", except of course the initial and ongoing selection of that one beverage by some elite or vote or whatever. Of course, what happens in this case is that shitwater becomes the one beverage, as desirability is no longer a requirement for "success".
4. There are no bounds on the number of beverages, but everyone must support them all equally, whether one or more are literally shitwater or not. Again, what happens in this case is that shitwater becomes the rule, as desirability is no longer a requirement for "success".

If I make not-shitwater and succeed over the shitwater makers because of the favoritism engendered by people not liking shitwater: Where is the ethical concern? Why not have ethical problems with those who serve shitwater?

So, I don't disagree that market processes entail favoritism, and winners/losers. I just don't see where there is any ground for an ethical assault. Quite the contrary in fact. Now, that a server of shitwater might have a "single child who suffers" could be charged against the "system", but this requires stripping people of the same agency necessary for the impetus for ethical concerns in the first place.
 
I have to admit, I'm very often surprised by your examples and find it difficult to talk about them. Part of this causes skepticism toward my own argument, and another part of me thinks that your examples are misleading.

I'm tempted to say that it doesn't have to do with people's choices. Systematic favoritism (which, it seems, we both agree exists) actually deflates the freedom of choice; we can operate under the illusion of acting freely even if we are not. But this is an entirely different argument stemming from my skepticism toward the notion of freedom in the first place.

A more fitting response would be that this type of free choice (i.e. between Coke and some other beverage) still functions within the parameters of those with opportunities. Theoretically, if lots of people are buying Coke, it doesn't mean that Pepsi is floundering; and both beverage companies have numerous products, so the options grow even larger. As an example, this only focuses on entities that already exist within a realm of rampant opportunity.

I'm specifically targeting the people who can't afford to buy Coke or Pepsi. The accumulation of wealth in very specific sectors of society means that it gradually withdraws from others, or at least from large numbers of individuals. However, the manifesto of capitalist ideology (specifically American capitalism) states that everyone is equalized by the simple fact that they can choose (not equal in some abstract fundamental way, necessarily; but purely that they possess the freedom of choice). This is in direct antithesis to the factual ontology of capitalism, which actually operates based on the exclusion of certain groups from free choice. The "freedom" exists purely as a virtual/ideal abstraction; the "choice" remains, but it remains as unfeasible as the products the individuals are excluded from purchasing.

In this sense, the ideology of capitalism revolves around a central lie: that individuals possess equal choice. It tells itself this lie to obscure the unethical tendency by which it operates, which funnels wealth toward increasingly powerful parties, financial centers of gravity. The ethics does not have to do with choosing one product over another, but with creating groups of people who no longer possess the choice in the first place.
 
I have to admit, I'm very often surprised by your examples and find it difficult to talk about them. Part of this causes skepticism toward my own argument, and another part of me thinks that your examples are misleading.

My example(s) of course are dealing somewhat in extremes, but this is rather necessary for clarity. Very rarely do we have to contend with actual shitwater or something approaching it. This isn't misleading, or at least meant to be misleading at all though.

I'm tempted to say that it doesn't have to do with people's choices. Systematic favoritism (which, it seems, we both agree exists) actually deflates the freedom of choice; we can operate under the illusion of acting freely even if we are not. But this is an entirely different argument stemming from my skepticism toward the notion of freedom in the first place.

A more fitting response would be that this type of free choice (i.e. between Coke and some other beverage) still functions within the parameters of those with opportunities. Theoretically, if lots of people are buying Coke, it doesn't mean that Pepsi is floundering; and both beverage companies have numerous products, so the options grow even larger. As an example, this only focuses on entities that already exist within a realm of rampant opportunity.

I'm specifically targeting the people who can't afford to buy Coke or Pepsi. The accumulation of wealth in very specific sectors of society means that it gradually withdraws from others, or at least from large numbers of individuals. However, the manifesto of capitalist ideology (specifically American capitalism) states that everyone is equalized by the simple fact that they can choose (not equal in some abstract fundamental way, necessarily; but purely that they possess the freedom of choice). This is in direct antithesis to the factual ontology of capitalism, which actually operates based on the exclusion of certain groups from free choice. The "freedom" exists purely as a virtual/ideal abstraction; the "choice" remains, but it remains as unfeasible as the products the individuals are excluded from purchasing.

I think what you are focusing on here is opportunity cost (The cost of an alternative(s) that must be forgone in order to pursue a certain action.), and that opportunity cost grows inversely to the amount of available capital. As I have said many times "it's expensive to be poor". When you only have $1, every decision is monumental and excludes much more than if you have $1mil.

So yes, there is reduced freedom and opportunity in terms of opportunity cost. And in some (even many cases), extremely reduced capital and thusly increased opportunity cost is a legacy issue, just as increased capital - decreased opportunity cost can and often is a legacy issue. But not only is that only part of the equation, it is not necessarily a negative either. If my ancestral lineage was comprised of most recently and/or extensively of shitwater purveyors, rather than owing society some sort of debt for my ancestral behavior, it has already been paid with my immensely increased opportunity cost.

Now, I am not even remotely arguing that every person born into poverty in the current system has been dealt a fair hand or some such thing. I am specifically focusing on the market process, which is only a portion of "Global Capitalism".

There is never such a thing as "free" choice, merely a larger or smaller number of choices, each with it's own opportunity cost etc.


In this sense, the ideology of capitalism revolves around a central lie: that individuals possess equal choice. It tells itself this lie to obscure the unethical tendency by which it operates, which funnels wealth toward increasingly powerful parties, financial centers of gravity. The ethics does not have to do with choosing one product over another, but with creating groups of people who no longer possess the choice in the first place.

Maybe some Republican blowhard or Foxhead repeats the equal choice line, but a serious economist wouldn't do so. Mere geography and logistics blows that lie out of the water at even a cursory examination. But this the most obvious example of an is, an individual cannot help their area of birth, and area of residence has it's own inherent limitations for both geographic and economic mobility. But it is the market which attempts to shrink and/or overcome geography for the purpose of improving lives within that geography (unlike military "shrinking"), and First Come status doesn't guarantee success, as early birds in China are finding out, and mobile firms in Africa are finding out. Africa is jumping straight to wireless due to a lack of legacy structure to complicate switching and opportunity costs, and early entrees into China are finding their brands deemed "outdated".

While prior success helps future efforts, it doesn't guarantee future success. Otherwise I couldn't rattle off a list like Sears, Circuit City, KMart, MySpace, Dell, HP, Kodak, etc. All were HUGE if not the top/only game in "town" at one point, and all are dead or nearly so. On the flip side, what was the legacy of Ford, Google, Amazon, Facebook, Walmart, Costco, Apple, Samsung, etc? I didn't include the famous "robber barons", because their industries have so fractured and morphed over the years, if not disappeared by now, but nearly all of them were coming from degrees of destitution.

The pinch point and funnel in modern capitalism isn't even politics generally speaking but the financial industry, as inextricably tied to a central bank (which basically every country in the world has), via a taxpayer backstopped fractional reserve system. While there are legitimate services that necessitate a financial sector, this system creates the game of musical chairs that guarantees there will be some with nowhere left to sit, and as value is funneled to first receivers of new money (my apologies, cannot find the name for this economic law), those without chairs increase, not by "market processes", but by the constant creation and limited selection of first receivers of the new money. It is a process no different than pure "counterfeiting", other than official sanction, and everyone understands why counterfeiting is against popular interest.

The totality of the system includes so many different contingencies that to critique it as a whole is simply a matter of practical pointlessness. "It needs changing". Well sure. In what ways? My first focus is on the money itself - the "lifeblood" of an economy/government/etc. It is how value is expressed, transferred, and stored. So both money itself, and those who control creation and the hands of those whom it must pass through when going from buyer to seller, employer to employee, require the closest examination.
 
The practicality of change and of needing change is rather pointless, since (theoretically speaking) capitalism is in effect always changing already. We might try to identify a network of forces that underlie its processes, however various these processes may be; but even trying to identify a select few forces that comprise, or inform, what we call "capitalism" or "markets" is ultimately futile. All we can do is track the change as best we can (i.e. historicize).

In this way, I feel I can make the following critique: that if the market does attempt to shrink geography in an attempt to better the lives affected, then it also must be the perpetrator that created the geography (sometimes literally, sometimes geopolitically) and caused the plight of those lives in the first place.

I wouldn't deny that global capitalism has positive aspects, specifically its power to effect new international and even intercontinental communities; but it is also the cause of much segregation, exclusion, and restriction. Even if governments reinforce these borders, they do so under the sign of capital, so to speak.
 
Or at least contribute to; I wouldn't contest that. But as far as I know, income inequality will always exist, even if purportedly free markets. I don't see how central banks are the sole perpetrator of income inequality.

On the topic of markets and freedom:

The realm of freedom actually begins only where labor which is in fact determined by necessity and mundane considerations ceases; thus in the very nature of things it lies beyond the sphere of actual material production. Just as the savage must wrestle with Nature to satisfy his wants, to maintain and reproduce life, so must civilized man, and he must do so in all social formations and under all possible modes of production. With his development this realm of physical necessity expands as a result of his wants; but, at the same time, the forces of production which satisfy these wants also increase. Freedom in this field can only consist in socialized men, the associated producers, rationally regulating their interchange with Nature, bringing it under their common control, instead of being ruled by it as by the blind forces of Nature; and achieving this with the least expenditure of energy and under conditions most favorable to, and worthy of, their human nature. But it nonetheless still remains a realm of necessity. Beyond it begins that development of human energy which is an end in itself, the true realm of freedom, which, however, can blossom forth only with this realm of necessity as its basis.

I don't agree with everything said here, but it does get at the heart of a certain paradox at work in the notion of free markets, at least as I see it.
 
On "value" and its determination:

A revolution has put an end to this "classical" economics of value, a revolution of value itself, which carries value beyond its commodity form into its radical form.

This revolution consists in the dislocation of two aspects of the law of value, which were thought to be coherent and eternally bound as if by a natural law. Referential value is annihilated, giving the structural play of value the upper hand. The structural dimension becomes autonomous by excluding the referential dimension, and is instituted upon the death of reference. The systems of reference for production, signification, the affect, substance and history, all this equivalence to a "real" content, loading the sign with the burden of "utility," with gravity - its form of representative equivalence - all this is over with. Now the other stage of value has the upper hand, a total relativity, general commutation, combination and simulation - simulation, in the sense that, from now on, signs are exchanged against each other rather than against the real (it is not that they just happen to be exchanged against each other, they do so on condition that they are no longer exchanged against the real).
 
Or at least contribute to; I wouldn't contest that. But as far as I know, income inequality will always exist, even if purportedly free markets. I don't see how central banks are the sole perpetrator of income inequality.

Well of course CBs are not the sole cause. But they are, particularly in this system, the primary driver. And yes, there will always be income inequality, period - regardless of economic system.

On the topic of markets and freedom:

I don't agree with everything said here, but it does get at the heart of a certain paradox at work in the notion of free markets, at least as I see it.

Could you be more specific about the paradox this attempts to explicate?

On "value" and its determination:

"the real"? :err:
 
Could you be more specific about the paradox this attempts to explicate?

That "freedom" only begins where markets end.

"the real"? :err:

He's saying that value no longer even corresponds to commodities themselves, be it according to an archaic notion of inherent value (derives from labor or some other source) or the modern notion that value derives from a subject's need. Instead, value becomes completely dissociated from the real and is determined purely in its relation to other cultural valuations.

Value, he's saying, is culturally determined by the proliferation of signals and has nothing to do with the use or practicality of the commodities themselves. Our culture basically "tells" us a thing's value regardless of our relationship to the thing itself.
 
That "freedom" only begins where markets end.

Where do markets end?

He's saying that value no longer even corresponds to commodities themselves, be it according to an archaic notion of inherent value (derives from labor or some other source) or the modern notion that value derives from a subject's need. Instead, value becomes completely dissociated from the real and is determined purely in its relation to other cultural valuations.

Value, he's saying, is culturally determined by the proliferation of signals and has nothing to do with the use or practicality of the commodities themselves. Our culture basically "tells" us a thing's value regardless of our relationship to the thing itself.

Can you give me an example? Is this a critique of something like brand loyalty?
 
Where do markets end?

Does it matter? That isn't the point. All it says is that it's preposterous to call them "free markets."

Can you give me an example? Is this a critique of something like brand loyalty?

If you asked Baudrillard, I imagine he would say that everything is an example; but for specificity's sake: beauty (and, by connection, beauty products).

The value of beauty is determined entirely within the realm of the signs of beauty; but it is a value that operates objectively in society, and this in turn influences the value of commodities. We have no direct relation to beauty products except through the virtual signs of beauty that operate in the culture/techno-sphere, and we desire beauty products based on what our culture tells us about the value of beauty.

So, the value of beauty and its related commodities is only determined within the network of signs; it has nothing to do with our relationship to the "real" products.