When I think of human touch I'm thinking much more literally. So for instance palliative care, parenting, etc. Government mostly consists of bureaucratic management - paper shuffling could easily be vastly automated. Education will face increasing disruption, but I don't know what direction it will take. Beauty/spa services probably qualify, but outside of elite boutiques, how much does this really pay?
Sure plenty of government jobs can be automated, but I expect jobs in law enforcement, courts, military, diplomacy, and humanitarian work to continue employing a lot of people.
Education jobs will benefit from the need for an increasingly educated workforce (as "lower-IQ" jobs get automated), as well as the inevitable (and currently underserved) need for students to have individual attention and face time from teachers.
Beauty and spa services don't pay much now, but there's potential for increased demand. I mainly expect this to come from an increase in the population's average age.
I also suspect that the number of hours/day and days/year people work will decrease, giving people an incentive to allocate more time to all kinds of time- and service-intensive activities, whether it's spa treatment, fitness training, live entertainment, tourism, higher education, or whatever. I know there's a question here of whether a lighter workload will decrease the economy's productivity to the point that it can't support as much service consumption - it just depends on how much we can use automation-based productivity gains to reduce the share of productivity we demand from humans.
Okay, I like this answer, but I have a rejoinder. The more we tend toward "absolute informational transparency" (to quote William Gibson), the more transparent not only the state becomes, but private individuals become. In other words, informational transparency cannot be limited to transactions between the state and the marketplace. If we have a greater degree of access to the goings-on of corporatist dealings, this means that the state also has a greater degree of access to the privacy of individuals.
Now I'm all for greater informational transparency, but the infiltration of individual privacy yields new contradictions, especially if we're appealing to notions of privacy (and property) as justifications for business (i.e. private) enterprises.
I think we're about at the conclusion!
So, I fully admit that what I'm about to say is not an attempt at further disagreement, but an admission regarding my perspective. That is, you ask me if I would say that a decrease in corruption would make the country function "better." I cannot bring myself to answer that question because "better" is evaluative, and I do not believe there is any objective space from which to qualify such a distinction.
I do think that less corruption means that individual human lives may be markedly better - maybe even most human lives. But I'm a posthumanist, so this concession immediately makes me start to wonder what this means from the perspective of a nonhuman system. Scientific and theoretical analyses suggest that different scales lead to different notions of "better," and it's plausible to me that acting in the hypothetical interests of a system could also - in the long run - have a positive impact of individual human lives.
So my short answer to your question is yes, I do think less corruption would help the system function better from a human perspective. I do not think anyone can make the claim, however, that less corruption results in an objectively greater degree of functionality.
And here you basically are acknowledging what I said above, which is the human element of systems. These are invaluable, seeing as we are humans (I assume) and have to look out for our interests. I have an almost automatic tendency to pull back from such commitments, however, to check my own emotions and empathic associations, and to try and look at things from a structural angle. Of course, this is ultimately impossible to do logically; but it isn't impossible to do speculatively...
Also, just a final point. If corruption (i.e. paradox) is a constitutive component of systems, there will always be local manifestations. If internal paradoxes exist, they will always out.
Taussig said:"The relation of producers to the sum total of their own labor," wrote Marx, "is presented to them as a social relation, existing not between themselves, but between the products of their labor." This is the state of affairs that makes the commodity a mysterious thing "simply because in it the social character of men's labor appears to them as an objective character stamped upon the product of that labor." Decisive here is the displacement of the "social character of men's labor" into the commodity, where it is obliterated from awareness by appearing as an objective character of the commodity itself. The swallowing-up of contact we might say, by its copy, is what ensures the animation of the latter, its power to straddle us.
Marx's optical analogy went like this: When we see something, we see that thing as its own self-suspended self out there, and not as the passage of its diaphonous membranes or impulsions as light waves, or however you want to conceptualize "contact" through the air and into the eye where the copy now burns physiognomically, physioelectrically, onto the retina where, as physical impulse, it darts along neuroptical fibers to be further registered as copy. All this contact of perceiver with perceived is obliterated into the shimmering copy of the thing perceived, aloof unto itself. So with the commodity, mused Marx, a spectral entity out there, lording it over mere mortals who in fact, singly and collectively in intricate divisions of market-orchestrated interpersonal labor-contact and sensuous interaction with the object-world, bring aforesaid commodity into being.
Two ideas (i.e. I think too much); the first is long, the second is very short:
1. (I preface this with a disclaimer that I'm not a Marxist, despite all the evidence to the contrary.)
I don't buy the labor theory of value, meaning that I don't think value can be reduced to some metaphysical amount of labor-force instilled somehow within an object. But I have often found this to be a fascinating aspect of Marxian theory because of how strange it seems; after all, Marx criticized Hegel for being an idealist, saying that Hegel scored right on the dialectic but that he had it turned upside-down. Marx's project aimed to "turn Hegel on his head," so to speak, giving a materialist flair to Hegelian philosophy. Given this ardent materialism, how could it be that Marx proposed a "labor theory of value," i.e. a theory of value that posited value as some kind of congealed substance of labor inherent in a produced object - that is, a commodity? Could it be that Marx just threw in the towel and accepted a massive cognitive dissonance in order to devise a theoretical model that catered to the laboring subjects whose time and efforts went to manufacture these commodities? This has been a subject of some conflict for me, and something that I've reluctantly admitted after moving away from Marx and into more postwar theoretical territory.
But this doesn't mean I've abandoned Marx's critical commentary on industrial capitalism (i.e. the basic and very general organization of market economics following the Industrial Revolution). I recently read something by Michael Taussig (a Marxist anthropologist, I admit - let's get all our cards on the table) that gave me pause, and brought me back to this question. I'll give the quote in full below - it's from a book titled Mimesis and Alterity: A Particular History of the Senses:
Long story short, I don't think that Marx's labor theory of value can be construed as a means of calculating actual value in a market setting, and I think that Marx knew this. I think that Marx's labor theory of value only makes sense in an idealistic vision of socialist utopia, the success of which is beside the point I'm currently trying to make (although it wasn't beside the point for Marx). In Taussig's articulation, Marx's LToV operates less as a metaphysical treatise on value and more as a critical analysis of what complex market relations do to the perceptions of human subjects. And according to Taussig, perception is immensely important in shaping the dynamics of intersubjectivity and social relations (a claim with which I happen to agree). Basically, he's suggesting that perception doesn't constitute a clean line of communication and distinction between subject and object, but proceeds to entangle them, to confuse the perceiver with the perceived, and to displace the distinction through which we identify ourselves as subjects and our commodities as objects - we get sucked into the object world.
Labor value does not inhere in these products, but these products act as a medium between human subjects. The occupants of the store will never meet (in all likelihood) the laborers whose work went into making these products, meaning that the products themselves become the only means by which most people are able to have any identification with those laborers. We thereby fetishize the commodity, elevating it as a social form (or hieroglyphic, in Marx's own words) that represents the relation between human subjects. The commodity begins to dance, as Marx writes. In this way, these commodities appear to reflect the labor of those individuals whom most of us will never come in actual contact with. This is the "labor theory of value" - not an argument that value inheres in commodities as a substance of labor, but that commodities function in a market society as a representational form of the relations between laboring parties.
In short - when you look at a bag of Doritos, you don't see/touch/eat the people that went into producing it. You relate to those people via your own experience of that commodity as a product of labor.
Now, I'm going to stop short of saying this in any way justifies a move to full-blown communism. None of the above is intended as a justification of political revolution toward socialist organization. I'm interested in how the labor theory of value can be reimagined as a materialist philosophy, and I think this is how. When we replace the notion of a sense of value inherent within objects with a notion of value as a representation of relations between laboring parties, then we arrive at a materialist theory of value. Value derives from how subjects perceive their relations with others through the lens of commodities.
and 2. The left has an ideology problem.
That is, critique emerges in the form of ideological constructs. We need to take a lesson from Deleuze and Guattari and realize that ideology only makes sense within the parameters of ideological thought - in other words, the left can be said to suffer from "the ideology of ideology."
I don't exempt myself from this diagnosis.
This is more or less an aside to the general point of your post, but I don't think that Mr Taussig et al can purport to speak for Marx. I think Marx took the LToV qua LToV and accurately traced out the implications. It's just that it (the LToV) was replaced, and Marx never did formulate - at least publicly - a way to get from S(subjective)ToV to class warfare ideology. I have no problem respecting Mr Taussig's attempt to square the apparent circle as it were. But I find some irony in his conclusion, at least in the way you explained it.
I never did get around to finishing Das Kapital, I stopped about halfway through because I felt that the chapters were getting redundant. But I saw nothing to suggest that Marx had his own brand of the LToV. It was *the* LToV, which had been the officially accepted value theory of economists since at least Adam Smith. What is being suggested here though (and what I find kind of ironic) is that Marxian analysis of the LToV is essentially an inexhaustive form of the subjective theory of value! I say inexhaustive because there are others ways in which we assign value (via perceptions, of course) besides social relations.
I'm not familiar enough with the works of Smith or Ricardo to say definitively that they didn't see value as "inhering" in the commodity, but I don't believe any economists made such claims. Classical and modern economists use(d) value theories to try to explain price phenomena and any apparent paradoxes (like water vs diamonds). Products, or commodities, are certainly a medium between subjects, and money functions as a sort of "supermedium", or "medium of mediums".
Well gladly granting the point that value at least partially, or contingently, derives from social relations, doesn't in my mind in anyway lead a jump to or justification of communism. In fact I believe it hamstrings it significantly. But (again) value cannot only derive through perceived social relations. How you or anyone else perceives me or vice versa has little to no impact on my demand for water or the supply thereof at various locales (conjuring the water vs diamond paradox of the LToV). Like I said, it is an incomplete subjective theory of value.
If I understand you correctly, this would explain what I see as a disconnect between these actual theories in economics, and how they are played with in political philosophy (whether marxism or otherwise).
One of America’s founding myths, of course, is that the simple act of leaving England and boldly starting new lives in the colonies had an equalizing effect on the colonists, swiftly narrowing the distance between indentured servant and merchant, landowner and clerk — all except the African slave. Nonsense, Isenberg says: “Independence did not magically erase the British class system.” A “ruthless class order” was enforced at Jamestown, where one woman returned from 10 months of Indian captivity to be told that she owed 150 pounds of tobacco to her dead husband’s former master and would have to work off the debt. The Puritans were likewise “obsessed with class rank” — membership in the Church and its core elect were elite privileges — not least because the early Massachusetts settlers included far more nonreligious riffraff than is generally realized. A version of the North Carolina constitution probably co-authored by John Locke was designed to “avoid erecting a numerous democracy.” It envisioned a nobility of landgraves and caciques (German for “princes” and Spanish for “chieftains”), along with a “court of heraldry” to oversee marriages and make sure they preserved pedigree.
Class distinctions were maintained above all in the apportionment of land. In Virginia in 1700, indentured servants had virtually no chance to own any, and by 1770, less than 10 percent of white Virginians had claim to more than half the land. In 1729 in North Carolina, a colony with 36,000 people, there were only 3,281 listed grants, and 309 grantees owned nearly half the land. “Land was the principal source of wealth, and those without any had little chance to escape servitude,” Isenberg writes. “It was the stigma of landlessness that would leave its mark on white trash from this day forward.” This was not just a Southern dynamic. The American usage of squatter traces to New England, where many of the nonelect — later called “swamp Yankees” — carved out homes on others’ land only to be chased off and have their houses burned.
By the time the nation gained independence, the white underclass — its future dependents — was fully entrenched. This underclass could be found just about every-where in the new country, but it was perhaps most conspicuous in North Carolina, where many whites who had been denied land in Virginia trickled into the area south of the Great Dismal Swamp, establishing what Isenberg calls “the first white trash colony.” William Byrd II, the Virginia planter, described these swamp denizens as suffering from “dis-tempers of laziness” and “slothful in everything but getting children.” North Carolina’s governor described his people as “the meanest, most rustic and squalid part of the species.”
For the last ten years you’ve been told that the LHC must see some new physics besides the Higgs because otherwise nature isn’t “natural” – a technical term invented to describe the degree of numerical coincidence of a theory. I’ve been laughed at when I explained that I don’t buy into naturalness because it’s a philosophical criterion, not a scientific one. But on that matter I got the last laugh: Nature, it turns out, doesn’t like to be told what’s presumably natural.
The idea of naturalness that has been preached for so long is plainly not compatible with the LHC data, regardless of what else will be found in the data yet to come. And now that naturalness is in the way of moving predictions for so-far undiscovered particles – yet again! – to higher energies, particle physicists, opportunistic as always, are suddenly more than willing to discard of naturalness to justify the next larger collider.
Now that the diphoton bump is gone, we’ve entered what has become known as the “nightmare scenario” for the LHC: The Higgs and nothing else. Many particle physicists thought of this as the worst possible outcome. It has left them without guidance, lost in a thicket of rapidly multiplying models. Without some new physics, they have nothing to work with that they haven’t already had for 50 years, no new input that can tell them in which direction to look for the ultimate goal of unification and/or quantum gravity.