The News Thread

This article is a prime example of missing the point, which I was certainly guilty of at one point when I accepted these arguments. Few "confuse the public and private square", so the author does little more here than strawman. Then the author objects to the "more sophisticated" (ie, the actual) version of the collective property defense argument not by saying it's illegal or unprecedented, but that it's unjust. What's his moral argument for this?

There are multiple moral arguments for this, beginning with America's role on the global-historical stage that has displaced countless persons from their home country--or America's capacity for supporting countless displaced persons.

If the extent of our moral outlook is "why should I do this," then we've abdicated any obligation we have to other human beings. Seeing as we live in a world comprised of many individuals from many countries, I don't think morality reduces to what's best for the unit.

Private property rights exist within the bounds of the borders of the jurisdictional authorities which secure those rights, which is something you've certainly argued before, although not explicitly in this application; there are no inherent rights. You (and I mean both you yourself and other US citizens) have no private property rights in Mexico, or China, etc. In practice, you don't even have personal property rights in most other countries. You have rights in this country as a citizen. Illegal immigrants are not citizens, and therefore have no rights other than that which may or may not be granted by said authorities. If you're arguing for the degree of rights which may/should be granted based on moral grounds, that's another matter/argument.

They do have personal property in this country, whether they're here illegally or not: their bodies are their property. Citizenship doesn't grant them autonomy or agency; they have that already. They can use that agency to legally work, purchase items, send their children to school, etc. None of those things are rendered illegitimate simply because they entered the country illegally. They have personal agency that extends beyond what the United States grants (or doesn't grant) them.

More intentional definition obfuscation and goal-post moving.

Not sure how I'm moving the goalposts when I'm just responding. Feel free to point out how you think I've adjusted my stance and I'll clarify.

Never said that all of their actions are illegitimate, but all of their actions are committed while simultaneously illegitimately residing within our country.

You described their existence as illegal. Maybe you didn't mean their actions were illegitimate, but that's a vague statement.

Furthermore, their illegitimate residence (if we can call it that) doesn't necessarily outweigh the legitimacy of paying rent, paying taxes, and obeying local laws. They haven't "trespassed" for the purposes of stealing anything, which is why that analogy falls flat. In fact, they're contributing to social development. It's misleading to think of them as trespassing.

I'm curious what your position is on the benefits of single-payer vs multi-payer healthcare. I'm fairly certain that most legitimate businesses would strongly disagree that simplicity is not desirable. (Illegitimate businesses, e.g. complex fraudulent investment schemes, would side with you, however.) Every scientist starts with a complex network of data and tries ideally to derive a simple model from it. The reason you believe that simplicity isn't desirable is because you don't seek understanding of the world, you just engaging in philosophical windowgazing and write fiction about it. Story-telling is the only legitimate profession I can think of where complexity sometimes wins out.

I said that simplicity isn't necessarily better than complexity; it's certainly sometimes more desirable, as in the case of single-payer.

I also find it ironic that you use science as the example here for desirable simplicity, when the twentieth century marks the major shift in the sciences from simple mechanics to complex systems (although this shift was already underway in the nineteenth century with figures like James Clerk Maxwell and Hendrik Lorentz). And many scientists would say that complexity is the more desirable model.

With the rise of relativity, quantum physics, autopoiesis in biology, chaos theory, string theory, etc. science increasingly admits not only the complexity of its models, but the unstable, uncertain, and in many cases unpredictable quality of its findings (or predictable only within a given dimensionality). Furthermore, it's not merely that science attempts to impose simple (or simpler) explanations onto complex phenomena, but that complexity is a fundamental feature of modern science.

The science of science actually has a broader scope than an already existing discipline called scientometrics which mainly involves measuring scientific impact, understanding scientific citations, mapping scientific fields and developing indicators for decision makers [4]. Specifically, SOS uses models to more deeply probe the mechanisms driving science, from knowledge production to scientific impact, distinguishing predictable patterns from random ones. It has more ambitious and diverse purposes, such as modeling the dynamics of research activities; revealing the rules underlying in scientific discoveries; predicting the development of science; and reformulating policies to stimulate innovations. To this end, one has to systematically investigate the complex structures, dynamics and evolution mechanisms of entire science systems. The emerging complexity science provides effective tools toward achieving the ultimate purposes of SOS.

https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0370157317303289

If simplicity favors those who make the laws, why has American legal code exploded in complexity over the last several decades?

Because we have a system in place that attempts to provide equity in terms of legal distribution. Simplicity favors those who make laws, but that doesn't mean that lawmakers necessarily simplify things. Depending on the political system in place, lawmakers might opt for complexity in order to cover a wider range of potential subjects.

Is this another case of the left projecting their bigotry onto other whites in defense of minorities or do you have actual examples that "their status is closer to that of immigrants than white Americans, which is why they're on constant defense" is true?

The fact that our national history basically tells Native Americans they're unwelcome except for on specified areas of land that we've graciously gifted to them isn't enough?

I mean, during colonialism indigenous peoples were granted no rights to land or property; only Europeans had those rights (who, ironically, were the immigrants at that point).

Today, Trump says that we're no longer a country of immigrants... so what does that mean for Native Americans? If Europeans are now the "indigenous people" of America...?

Also, I think it's pretty healthy to live with a consistent suspicion and defensiveness towards the national government. This is a big reason why so many people fight to uphold their right to bear arms while the tankies lick the state's balls and try to disarm everybody.

I'd agree. But it's funny that the right to bear arms is something people feel the need to fight for. Trump just repealed an Obama law demanding background checks on mentally ill gun purchasers. :rofl:

But I disagree, Native American sovereign nations opposing illegal entry in 2018 is completely comparable to Americans opposing illegal entry into America, I really don't give a shit about your progressive stack worldview and neither does anybody else.

Okay then. History is probably irrelevant anyway. :rolleyes:
 
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NYT dropping redpills

https://www.nytimes.com/roomfordeba...fPRYtlMWGTOH8rmgeHQCBXNgX7QgA7UUxBt_DYgRqWsqU

The question of whether birthright citizenship should be abolished is based on the faulty premise that our Constitution actually mandates it. In fact, the text of the 14th Amendment’s citizenship clause reads: “All persons born or naturalized in the United States and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside.”

That text has two requirements for citizenship — that an individual is born on U.S. soil; and that an individual is subject to the jurisdiction of the United States when born.

“Subject to the jurisdiction” means more than simply being present in the United States. When the 14th Amendment was being debated in the Senate, Senator Lyman Trumbull, a key figure in its drafting and adoption, stated that “subject to the jurisdiction” of the United States meant not “owing allegiance to anybody else.”

The drafters of the clause modeled it off of the 1866 Civil Rights Act which grants citizenship to “all persons born in the United States and not subject to any foreign power.”
And Senator Jacob Howard, who introduced the language of the clause on the floor of the Senate, contended that it should be interpreted in the same way as the requirement of the 1866 Civil Rights Act, which afforded citizenship to “all persons born in the United States and not subject to any foreign power.”

The Supreme Court has never held otherwise. Some advocates for illegal immigrants point to the 1898 case of United States v. Wong Kim Ark, but that case merely held that a child born on U.S. soil to parents who were lawful, permanent (legally, "domiciled") residents was a citizen.

The broader language in the case suggesting that birth on U.S. soil is alone sufficient (thereby rendering the “subject to the jurisdiction" clause meaningless) is only dicta — not binding. The court did not specifically consider whether those born to parents who were in the United States unlawfully were automatically citizens.

The misunderstood policy of birthright citizenship provides a powerful magnet for people to violate our immigration laws and undermines the plenary power over naturalization that the Constitution explicitly gives to Congress. It is long past time to clarify that the 14th Amendment does not grant U.S. citizenship to the children of anyone just because they can manage to give birth on U.S. soil.
 
They haven't "trespassed" for the purposes of stealing anything

Are they stealing something from poor legal immigrants, to you?

I mean, during colonialism indigenous peoples were granted no rights to land or property; only Europeans had those rights (who, ironically, were the immigrants at that point).

colonialism is a really broad period of time, but under English and early American rule, land exchanges were the transfer of property from, usually, the "best" war Indians in sale to the US/Britain.
 
Are they stealing something from poor legal immigrants, to you?

No, I don't think so. If anything, the wealthy have stolen far more from the poor.

colonialism is a really broad period of time, but under English and early American rule, land exchanges were the transfer of property from, usually, the "best" war Indians in sale to the US/Britain.

By land exchanges do you mean when Euro-Americans legally purchased land from indigenous landowners/holders? If so, this definitely occurred; but most historians would say these exchanges were far from fair or equitable.

Additionally, what I meant by land rights is that Europeans saw themselves as entitled to the land and entitled to take it from indigenous peoples. If they did occasionally purchase it, they did so in underhanded ways that benefited them. If they could avoid violence by convincing Native Americans that they were getting a sweet deal (when really they were being robbed), then they took that route.
 
There are multiple moral arguments for this, beginning with America's role on the global-historical stage that has displaced countless persons from their home country--or America's capacity for supporting countless displaced persons.

If the extent of our moral outlook is "why should I do this," then we've abdicated any obligation we have to other human beings. Seeing as we live in a world comprised of many individuals from many countries, I don't think morality reduces to what's best for the unit.

Not from many countries. In many countries. Language can be so insidious; There are scant few persons relatively speaking, who are not already citizens of a country, and if not so, due to no part played by themselves or their parents. Citizen of other countries have their own boundary jurisdictional authorities to worry about them and vice versa. Separately, the US is not unique in its historical displacement of persons as a nation, nor is it uniquely responsible in places where displacement occurs in which it may have played a role. Displacement even in itself does not alone argue for open immigration and/or citizenship policy. The US does not have the capacity for supporting countless displaced persons.

Obligation to others includes are fellow citizens who are most vulnerable - which low-wage immigration hurts the most by crowding schools, depressing wages, lowering property values, etc. In other words, exacerbating inequality. Of course, this is lost on the well-to-do urban liberal who is happy with cheaper labor and "cultural enrichment" they get out of their foreign low wage workers, as well as selectable "ethnic cuisine" establishments that they help support. The standard immigration moralizing line about "fellow citizens of the world" is vapidly self-serving if not hollow simply due to ignorance.

They do have personal property in this country, whether they're here illegally or not: their bodies are their property. Citizenship doesn't grant them autonomy or agency; they have that already. They can use that agency to legally work, purchase items, send their children to school, etc. None of those things are rendered illegitimate simply because they entered the country illegally. They have personal agency that extends beyond what the United States grants (or doesn't grant) them.

Sure, the US currently allows them some personal property (now in event of deportation, there are constraints as to what is carry-able). Not all countries allow non-citizens personal property rights. You argument over agency and body-as-property though seem in direct contradiction of so many positions you've argued before. Never the less, no one is arguing that they don't have agency, nor that they can't engage in otherwise legal actions (eg purchasing from the market rather than shoplifting). This is about the source, extent, and norms of rights.
 
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Not from many countries. In many countries. Language can be so insidious; There are scant few persons relatively speaking, who are not already citizens of a country, and if not so, due to no part played by themselves or their parents. Citizen of other countries have their own boundary jurisdictional authorities to worry about them and vice versa. Separately, the US is not unique in its historical displacement of persons as a nation, nor is it uniquely responsible in places where displacement occurs in which it may have played a role. Displacement even in itself does not alone argue for open immigration and/or citizenship policy. The US does not have the capacity for supporting countless displaced persons.

"In" and "from" aren't mutually exclusive. The insidiousness lies in thinking we can easily separate them.

Obligation to others includes are fellow citizens who are most vulnerable - which low-wage immigration hurts the most by crowding schools, depressing wages, lowering property values, etc. In other words, exacerbating inequality. Of course, this is lost on the well-to-do urban liberal who is happy with cheaper labor and "cultural enrichment" they get out of their foreign low wage workers, as well as selectable "ethnic cuisine" establishments that they help support. The standard immigration moralizing line about "fellow citizens of the world" is vapidly self-serving if not hollow simply due to ignorance.

Are you accusing me of being ignorant to the fact that an influx of immigrants drive down property values? Because I'm well aware of that, but it doesn't strike me as an argument against immigration.

As far as crowding schools and depressing wages go, maybe what we need is an overhaul of the education system and rethinking of how we allocate wages. One of the greatest lies we've been told by economists over the past several centuries is that the market works out to everyone's benefit; but that's not true. The market just works. That doesn't mean it's unfeasible to adapt market policy in directions it wouldn't go "naturally."

Sure, the US currently allows them some personal property (now in event of deportation, there are constraints as to what is carry-able). Not all countries allow non-citizens personal property rights. You argument over agency and body-as-property though seem in direct contradiction of so many positions you've argued before. Never the less, no one is arguing that they don't have agency, nor that they can't engage in otherwise legal actions (eg purchasing from the market rather than shoplifting). This is about the source, extent, and norms of rights.

Your comment that immigrants have no rights other than those "granted by said authorities" was confusing and implied a denial of agency, to me. Let's forget it, since we're not talking about it apparently.

When a person breaks into your house, every conceivable action is unlawful. When they sleep on your couch, they're sleeping on your couch; when they eat your food, they're eating your food; when they watch your TV, they're watching your TV. It's not merely the act of breaking in that's illegal, but all contact with your possessions--every step they take.

When immigrants enter this country illegally, their occupancy doesn't violate your private property rights. They're not taking unfair advantage of what's yours. They're not unlawfully using your shit.

The broader, systemic effects of unchecked immigration are of crucial importance for discussion; but this isn't what's happening now, and no one is saying the U.S. needs to sustain unchecked immigration indefinitely. From the very beginning, I've been objecting to your simplistic and problematic analogy between the United States and a person's private house. These aren't comparable institutions and comparing them invites nasty and unnecessarily hostile attitudes towards illegal immigrants.
 
Poor and working class people always bear the brunt of illegal immigration and mass immigration in general but they're forced to remain silent by the standards of the very same polite society that demands they smile as they're priced out of the job market or exposed to new injections of gang culture in their communities.

Bourgeois yuppies create the very Tommy Robinson types they hate so much with their policies.
 
Poor and working class people always bear the brunt of illegal immigration and mass immigration in general but they're forced to remain silent by the standards of the very same polite society that demands they smile as they're priced out of the job market or exposed to new injections of gang culture in their communities.

Bourgeois yuppies create the very Tommy Robinson types they hate so much with their policies.

Forced to remain silent? Are you joking? No one's silencing them, they're hollering up a goddamn storm.
 
Furthermore, their illegitimate residence (if we can call it that) doesn't necessarily outweigh the legitimacy of paying rent, paying taxes, and obeying local laws. They haven't "trespassed" for the purposes of stealing anything, which is why that analogy falls flat. In fact, they're contributing to social development. It's misleading to think of them as trespassing.

They don't pay net taxes, as I've proven in previous arguments with you. Paying rents doesn't really add value to society, which I would think a commie like you would acknowledge. Simply obeying laws isn't a sign of any positive value.

I said that simplicity isn't necessarily better than complexity; it's certainly sometimes more desirable, as in the case of single-payer.

I also find it ironic that you use science as the example here for desirable simplicity, when the twentieth century marks the major shift in the sciences from simple mechanics to complex systems (although this shift was already underway in the nineteenth century with figures like James Clerk Maxwell and Hendrik Lorentz). And many scientists would say that complexity is the more desirable model.

With the rise of relativity, quantum physics, autopoiesis in biology, chaos theory, string theory, etc. science increasingly admits not only the complexity of its models, but the unstable, uncertain, and in many cases unpredictable quality of its findings (or predictable only within a given dimensionality). Furthermore, it's not merely that science attempts to impose simple (or simpler) explanations onto complex phenomena, but that complexity is a fundamental feature of modern science.[/quote]

And I'm saying that simplicity is better than complexity in almost all circumstances.

"Complexity" isn't a model, nor is it absolute as you seem to be implying. Nature is nature and there's no changing relativity to fit into Newton's laws under all circumstances, but scientists don't seek to make science complex for its own sake, they seek to find the most essential/fundamental model which accurately describes their system. Likewise, if the purpose of passing a law is to 1) set it into action and 2) perform such action to attain some kind of goal, it is the simplest and broadest laws that are best for that purpose.

Because we have a system in place that attempts to provide equity in terms of legal distribution. Simplicity favors those who make laws, but that doesn't mean that lawmakers necessarily simplify things. Depending on the political system in place, lawmakers might opt for complexity in order to cover a wider range of potential subjects.

And how does that apply to current immigration law?
 
Yeah now they are, and it's great. The aristocracy are in full damage control.

What histories are you reading? Nearly half of Americans have spoken out vitriolically against immigration since the first half of the twentieth century. Since Ellis Island people have railed against immigration, whether in the political sphere or in newspaper editorials. It's not some unspoken grievance that Americans have had to bear for decades.

They don't pay net taxes, as I've proven in previous arguments with you. Paying rents doesn't really add value to society, which I would think a commie like you would acknowledge. Simply obeying laws isn't a sign of any positive value.

You've "proven" that immigrants (legal or illegal, I'm not sure) don't pay enough in taxes to offset the resources they use up.

But that's not a moral standard for determining their value. Poor people pay what they can in taxes, which might not make up for what they consume for a minimum standard of living. The difference is that wealthy people can pay more in taxes and still maintain well above a minimum standard of living. So whatever the poor can't pay, the wealthy can easily make up for. Voila.

And I'm saying that simplicity is better than complexity in almost all circumstances.

"Complexity" isn't a model, nor is it absolute as you seem to be implying. Nature is nature and there's no changing relativity to fit into Newton's laws under all circumstances, but scientists don't seek to make science complex for its own sake, they seek to find the most essential/fundamental model which accurately describes their system. Likewise, if the purpose of passing a law is to 1) set it into action and 2) perform such action to attain some kind of goal, it is the simplest and broadest laws that are best for that purpose.

Complexity isn't a model, but there are complex models. And in many cases, complex models are preferable to simple ones.

And how does that apply to current immigration law?

...this was in response to a question you posed above about the American legal system in general.

I can't tell if you're confused or if you're trying to make a point.