The fuck does "present as Asian" mean? Are there Asians who don't identify as Asian? Caught me off-guard with that one.
Sorry, I was referring to nationality. So for example, my wife knows someone whose cousin was told to "go back to China," and subsequently spat on. But he wasn't even born in China; he was born here, and is American. So by "present as Asian," I meant someone who looks like they could be from an Asian country but is actually American. I should have been clearer.
I also have students being affected by this, some of whom aren't even Chinese. Ironically, racism doesn't discriminate--if you look vaguely Asian, racists tend to conflate you with whatever nationality they have a particular problem with.
Regarding nation of origin, I'll say more below.
Nation of origin matters because the GOP guy's point was that Hong Kong Fluey (HKF) came to Italy via Chinese people, and that more Chinese people elsewhere could have easily meant more HKF. Washington has such high levels of HKF due to a single Chinese arrival. How do you not understand that?
I do understand it, but I don't think I'm making my point clear.
The damage done by using this language is greater than any potential gain in specificity. I'm not even sure I understand what the gain is--why do we need to specify where it came from? It actually does virtually nothing for public health.
For example: the first person to have coronavirus in Boston was a student returning from Wuhan. He was immediately quarantined and so didn't affect anyone else. But if he hadn't been quarantined, specifying that it was of Chinese origin wouldn't have helped anyone.
I think the imagined scenario here is that Chinese people are coming over from China and interacting primarily with Asian American communities; but this more than often wasn't the case. It was students returning from seeing family, and people traveling for business. Avoiding high-volume areas of Asian Americans is no safer than avoiding high-volume areas of people in general.
What does happen from using phrases like "Chinese virus" is dumb people associate Asian Americans with a higher rate of contagion (and infectiousness generally), and also tend to assign blame.
Apparently the numbers are closer to 3.5k rather than 5k. 3500 divided by 100 years = 3.5 lynchings per year. I'm not talking about pre-Civil War crimes against blacks because those have nothing to do with the 64 CRA; obviously I acknowledge the existence of those crimes.
I'm confused--doesn't that math come out to 35 per year?
Also, one hundred years isn't the timespan you should be using. Lynching didn't become an instrument of mass social violence until Reconstruction, so the absence of it in the first ~15 years after the Civil War lowers the average.
http://law2.umkc.edu/faculty/projects/ftrials/shipp/lynchingyear.html (I'm only counting lynchings of African Americans)
That being said, it doesn't mean that thirty-five lynchings happened every year. Some year there were fewer; some year there were many more (that's actually something you taught me, when I made a naive assumption about average lifespan). That's how the terror of it worked: no one remembers a year when there were only a couple lynchings, but everyone remembers the year when there were over a hundred. Also, lynchings were publicized, photographed, and widely attended spectacles. They were made into instruments of terror not simply through the physical violence they caused, but through the sensation of their taking place:
I agree regarding "atmosphere of terror", but what does that have to do with it? Said atmosphere was already well on the downturn in the 50s and early 60s without the 64 CRA. One can enforce laws against civil rights violations (which had been on the books since Grant's presidency) without integrating idpol into every single facet of American life (which is what the 64 CRA and subsequent expansions did). Gun ownership probably would have accelerated violence in the short-term, sure, but with the positive trade-off of preventing oppression and ending said atmosphere of terror. Just look at how a few rooftop Koreans successfully defended their stores from the racist lynch mob of rioting blacks post-Rodney King police acquittal.
The atmosphere of terror wasn't well on the downturn by the '50s and '60s though--at least, not if you talked to African Americans. The number of public lynchings went down, but that didn't mean they weren't still terrified to drive through southern towns or stage sit-ins. Just because the violence subsided didn't mean they were content. The waning in certain acts of publicized violence (like lynching) meant that they felt able to assemble and protest for civil rights, but that's not a sign that their fear lessened.
Lynchings may have subsided by the 1950s, but that didn't mean African Americans felt at home or safe in this country. Lynching still happened, especially if they made visible attempts to protest for civil rights. If you read memoirs of those who staged sit-ins or took part in the Freedom Highways campaign, they were still terrified and susceptible to violence.
Laws against civil rights violations meant nothing in the nineteenth century. As far as gun ownership goes, I don't think it's worth speculating. For my part, I don't think it would have evened anything out. I think it would have led to a race war and justification for practices of ethnic cleansing; but we can't know for sure.