No, I'm referring to economic and social freedom. In America a person can easily lose their entire livelihood for saying the wrong words and being bankrupted by a civil court. China has a somewhat similar system, but the punishment is restricted to crimes of criticizing the state, and transgressions are repressed rather than amplified, which attenuates the range of social penalties. America sells its youth into monetary debt in the pursuit of "social capital", an ersatz currency which demands ideological obedience and can be confiscated with less than law, merely through mores. China has a social score system, but at least that one is relatively transparent and is again primarily used for preservation of the state itself, not for dictating personal social values. America is basically a not-for-long-first-world Hoxhaist democracy in contrast to the PRC's soon-to-be-first-world state capitalism. I do agree that we're still to the right of the Soviet Union or the Khmer Rouge though.
I'm having a hard time wrapping my head around your perspective here. It strikes me as utterly perverse. It's precisely that the U.S. has hate crime laws that makes it
less leftist than China. Hate crime laws and speech norms/mores are the product of liberal democracy, not an authoritarian leftist regime. Furthermore, practices of censorship are pushed, for the most part, by the public sphere. They aren't policies instituted by a central government.
Even in the case when we are discussing centrally instituted parameters, like hate crime laws, these aren't leftist. Hate crime laws are historically modern and arose from democratic processes. They have no basis in authoritarianism.
When Twitter deplatformed Trump, that wasn't an infringement on free speech. That was a private company making a business decision. When liberals boycotted Chick-fil-A because they don't like something the president said, or whoever, that's not the state interfering with business; it's private citizens voicing their dissent.
What you're claiming is state-run censorship and interference is just a democratic public sphere acting on its misgivings.
I agree regarding the origin of our identity politics, which is why I mentioned Marx and his abandonment of communism in the USA following his conflicts with non-class identitarian groups. I disagree that it is all about "individual selfhood"; nothing is individual when mandated or enabled via the (inherently collective) state. That's precisely why American left-liberalism is so radical, because it seeks to make all matters traditionally of social and personal importance within the sphere of the state.
What is being mandated by the state? In the U.S., the central government might go along with currents that originate in the public sphere, but they aren't mandating what you seem to think they are. The state might pursue a case brought to them by individual plaintiffs, but that's why we have a state with branches of government. In many cases it's impossible for an individual to amass the capital and expertise needed to bring a suit.
Insofar as the state enables these discussions... that's the whole purpose of having a state. The alternative would be a lawless, stateless assemblage of warring clans. It seems to me that you'd characterize almost any manifestation of a state as leftist, simply to varying degrees; i.e. as soon as you have a state, you're leftist.
Tech giants have financial freedoms like serial rapists have bodily freedoms. They have the freedom to be sued into submission by governments (EEOC law), the freedom to perform unconstitutional (yet private and therefore "legal") acts on governments' behalfs (installing secret monitoring stations in AT&T buildings), the freedom to be rewarded with indefinite patent protections and protection from foreign competitors, and the freedom to be too big to fail. The very existence of corporate law is a left-wing construction that seeks to institutionalize trade by giving certain players special privileges, and FDR (America's true left-wing pioneer) recognized that as much as anyone by giving loyal companies like RCA power that the robber barons could have only dreamed of.
You're wrong that corporate law is a left-wing construction. I have a hard time finding where to begin here. It's a refutation and dismissal of actual economic and social history. The very fact that a corporation is treated in many respects as a person is key here; it's an individual that has the rights of an individual, except in certain respects. My guess is that you're lumping corporatism in with leftism; but corporatism in the liberal West is distinct from other brands of corporatism that have arisen since the nineteenth century.
States may have granted freedoms to companies in the early days of capitalism, i.e. the sixteenth/seventeenth century (e.g. charters for the Dutch East India Company, et al); but this was when feudal structures still held sway. Very shortly after this, state power in the West waned as capital grew. I'm not saying the state went away, but it increasingly functioned as a facilitator for the growth of capital--not the other way around.
Anyone has the "freedom" to be sued by anyone. You're not making a point. Tech giants serve a social purpose: they're communications media. They're not state sanctioned or sponsored; they're private companies, although some are publicly traded. That they're granted more exceptions by the government doesn't mean the government is leftist, but that it's deeply capitalist (or corporatist). In the U.S., government regulation and interference--even FDR--has always been for the ultimate purpose of maintaining economic growth and stability.
The chicken-and-egg argument of whether it's corporations controlling states or vice versa doesn't matter much to me when each requires the other to maintain their power.
So again, all I see here is "government = leftism." That's not a productive claim, and it's also not historically accurate. You're redefining leftism to suit your interests. Ordinary speech and evolution of language are all well and good, but you're doing so in a rhetorically particular and pernicious way.