There is a difference between voluntary and involuntary. King Richard is the commissioner of the UMFFL. I did not have to participate. I could drop out at any time. I could have made my own league. But I am participating and agreeing to the rules he established for the league. While this may be a simple and fairly "petty" example, there is no reason that people cannot conduct themselves this way in all things.
If voluntary action is in question, then shouldn't we consider the fact that individuals might voluntarily submit themselves to a liberal democratic form of political/social order?
Stating that we need government to protect us from eventual government is nearly as circular as saying people are bad so we need a government made up of people.
There's nothing circular about not wanting to eliminate certain governmental institutions only to have them be built up again years later. It's not about having government now to protect us from government later, and that's a poor interpretation. Rather, I see your solution as doing nothing to advance the human race; as performing no positive action.
Your freedom vs bondage position is identical to the position that we "wouldn't appreciate good times without the bad". So what? Should we then not attempt to increase the amount of good times? Should we all just go ahead and commit suicide since we can only truly appreciate life in the absence thereof? Etc.
Another misinterpretation; part of this argument owes its conception to the theory of structural semiotics. I'm merely pointing out that freedom (as a linguistic sign) opposes itself to bondage (another sign). More concretely, I owe something to Jiwei Ci's essay "China and the Question of Freedom," wherein he writes:
"It is only when we think of freedom as belonging to a mode of subjection with its own conditions of plausibility that it is possible to accomodate in our account both aspects of freedom in a liberal order: its moment of illusion and its moment of reality. At the phenomenological level, these moments translate into the experience of freedom, on the one hand, and the seemingly contradictory practice of conformity, on the other, but it is the seamless conjunction of these that is the hallmark of a liberal society. Indeed, the conjunction is so seamless that we should speak of freedom and subjection not as if they are separate moments but, more precisely, of freedom
as a mode of subjection. As such, the value of freedom
simultaneously helps give form to agency and bring agents into line with the order that prevails in their society."
Essentially, Ci intends that while "freedom" and "conformity" enjoy an opposed semiotic structure, their opposition actually forms a basis for individual free will within a society. Ci admits that this might create what some would call the "illusion" of freedom; but it is absolutely true that such an illusion has real conditions of possibility (i.e. people can believe in their illusion and in this way function in a liberal order).
zabu of nΩd;10043530 said:
Pat: i have difficulty following your point because you use about 3x as many words in it as you need. anyway though... i think you are right about the concept of freedom and the folly of "advocating it" in the way Dakryn does, but you are not pointing out (or at least not emphasizing) that the concept has significance to us because there is very real-world value to humans in *not being controlled or exploited by other humans* motivating the issue. this is the merit of "advocating freedom" you (seem to) neglect to acknowledge.
Obviously I'm not trying to advocate totalitarianism or anything; and I agree that people don't want to be told what to do, and that in a liberal society there are many cases in which we must follow seemingly arbitrary laws (speed limits, drug laws, gay marriage, etc.). What I'm trying to point out is that the valorization of freedom is an institution that is being utilized by the liberal order itself for the purposes of subjection and conformity. The very notion that we have of freedom as a kind of inalienable, pristine human value (in and of itself) has been nurtured by the society we live in; not by any innate human understanding of the notion of freedom.
zabu of nΩd;10043530 said:
How on earth do you equivocate Pat's post with "we should appreciate the bad times"? I'm pretty sure you really don't get what he was trying to say - it was more along the lines of "the bad times are inevitable, and advocating anarchy is like being in denial about this".
I really don't see that from what he said, but if that was the intent, that is a ridiculous argument. Why speak out against murder? Or pedophilia? It's going to happen anyway.
It seems to me that, if we embrace anarchy, very few people would speak out against murder or pedophilia. Your system is the one that provides no moral basis for defensive action.
I advocate an understanding of the illusory nature of freedom in a liberal society, but not for the purposes of overthrowing said society and attempting to found an anarchistic civilization on the basis of uninhibited individual freedom; there is no way I can conceive of that as being anything positive or progressive.
I want better critiques of our current systems. I want people to realize that, down to our very system of language, we're ideological beings and that it's difficult sometimes to see the effects of our consciousness. I want people who blindly quote the Constitution of the United States and spout propaganda like "life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness are certain, inalienable rights" to recognize that the very inclusion of that in a statist document does nothing to emancipate us, but solidifies us as subjects in a liberal democratic order. The truth is, I know many people who still believe the Constitution to be a source of supreme truth. I personally believe that we can arrive at more positive, effective governing systems without chucking the whole entire establishment.
Embracing anarchy is akin to throwing out the baby with the bathwater. Dak, you yourself mentioned specifics in your post above that relate to some of the positive aspects of social order; defense against criminal action, especially criminal action that the overwhelming majority of people agree on as particularly heinous.