If Mort Divine ruled the world

It's not my made up definition, but nice try.

https://dictionary.cambridge.org/us/dictionary/english/rationality

A person can be rational. A statement can be logical. A person can be rational whilst disagreeing with a logical statement.
In the case of the bombings, let's think of it this way:

"In my experience, many people who send bombs in the mail get arrested or worse. This being the case, it seems like a risky idea to send bombs in the mail."

While a logical construction might be:

a) bombs kill people
b) liberals should die
c) I should send bombs to liberals

No, you would call the construction logical. Rationality describes a person's ability to navigate logical statements based on prior knowledge.

The definition at cambridge refers to being reasonable, or possessing reason.
https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/reason
https://dictionary.cambridge.org/us/dictionary/english/reason

Webster's definitions of reason and rationality lean on logic whereas Cambridge doesn't necessarily. Interesting difference. You're correct that a knowledge base would partially determine a person's rationality. So would their values base.

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Logic_and_rationality[/QUOTE]

Well, truth and falsity have to come into play at some point, and it's not unrelated to the question of outcomes. A perfectly logical statement can be false, and someone operating under such false (yet logical) pretenses would likely invite undesirable outcomes. A rational person would be able to reflect on this and correct their behavior. An irrational, or even mentally ill, person can still be highly logical (just look at John Nash).

We have to apply our capacity for rationality to logical statements in order to ascertain their usefulness. So some hypothetical bomber might very well operate under a logic in which it makes sense to send bombs through the mail, but rationality would intercept this logic and apply to it the bomber's previous knowledge of the world. For instance, would sending bombs in the mail be socially acceptable? Are apprehended bombers usually set free? Do bomb plots through the mail usually achieve the desired outcome?

If the bomber's intention was merely to troll the media or something like that, why choose such a legally and physically dangerous operation? Why not merely email bomb threats to the CNN offices? Or why not send in fake tips about conservative witch covens in the basements of the Hamptons? Furthermore, if the bomber doesn't care about getting caught, or in fact wants to be caught, then why play cat and mouse? If the bomber needs a game of cat and mouse in order to experience some thrills, that's a sign of an imbalanced mind (although not quite mental illness, necessarily).

If it turns out the bombs are fake, the bomber has still committed crimes. If it's an attempt to secure some short-term thrills, that's not rational considering the potential long-term consequences. There's just nothing that's rationally airtight about the act itself, although the bomber's reasons for doing so might be logical.

You're making a great argument as to why if you were to send bombs through the mail, this would be irrational. You cannot project your knowledge and values onto some unknown person and then deem them irrational.
 
The definition at cambridge refers to being reasonable, or possessing reason.
https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/reason
https://dictionary.cambridge.org/us/dictionary/english/reason

Webster's definitions of reason and rationality lean on logic whereas Cambridge doesn't necessarily. Interesting difference. You're correct that a knowledge base would partially determine a person's rationality. So would their values base.

The point being that logic and rationality aren't interchangeable. Something can be logical yet not be rational, even if they do often overlap.

You're making a great argument as to why if you were to send bombs through the mail, this would be irrational. You cannot project your knowledge and values onto some unknown person and then deem them irrational.

But if we can't gauge rationality by a general, agreed-upon set of standards for decision-making, then... what happens? Each person's rationality is different? That's not a useful concept, and it doesn't seem like something you'd agree with.

Knowledge and values are individually experienced but collectively inculcated and cultivated. We have the knowledge and values that we do because others have the same knowledge and values.

There's no base-level standard for rational or logical behavior; it's determined by culture. But generally speaking, that environment provides an individual with the necessary tools for behaving rationally. If someone lacks the ability to reflect on those standards, then that sets them outside the parameters of sound mind. If someone lacks the knowledge to reflect on those standards, that means they haven't been adequately socialized. In either case, their behavior can still be characterized as irrational, even if it's "not their fault" per se.
 
The point being that logic and rationality aren't interchangeable. Something can be logical yet not be rational, even if they do often overlap.

This is probably sort of a side issue, so I'm fine leaving this at this. There's not perfect overlap and it's probably not worth teasing apart the exact parameters.

But if we can't gauge rationality by a general, agreed-upon set of standards for decision-making, then... what happens? Each person's rationality is different? That's not a useful concept, and it doesn't seem like something you'd agree with.

Knowledge and values are individually experienced but collectively inculcated and cultivated. We have the knowledge and values that we do because others have the same knowledge and values.

There's no base-level standard for rational or logical behavior; it's determined by culture. But generally speaking, that environment provides an individual with the necessary tools for behaving rationally. If someone lacks the ability to reflect on those standards, then that sets them outside the parameters of sound mind. If someone lacks the knowledge to reflect on those standards, that means they haven't been adequately socialized. In either case, their behavior can still be characterized as irrational, even if it's "not their fault" per se.

This sounds good until you start applying it to all sorts of marginal cases. One might say that every marginal or marginalized actor is behaving irrationally with this approach.

Edit: Alternatively, you could have an irrational society where the socialization and education supports irrationality.
 
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We have to apply our capacity for rationality to logical statements in order to ascertain their usefulness. So some hypothetical bomber might very well operate under a logic in which it makes sense to send bombs through the mail, but rationality would intercept this logic and apply to it the bomber's previous knowledge of the world. For instance, would sending bombs in the mail be socially acceptable? Are apprehended bombers usually set free? Do bomb plots through the mail usually achieve the desired outcome?

If the bomber's intention was merely to troll the media or something like that, why choose such a legally and physically dangerous operation? Why not merely email bomb threats to the CNN offices? Or why not send in fake tips about conservative witch covens in the basements of the Hamptons? Furthermore, if the bomber doesn't care about getting caught, or in fact wants to be caught, then why play cat and mouse? If the bomber needs a game of cat and mouse in order to experience some thrills, that's a sign of an imbalanced mind (although not quite mental illness, necessarily).

If it turns out the bombs are fake, the bomber has still committed crimes. If it's an attempt to secure some short-term thrills, that's not rational considering the potential long-term consequences. There's just nothing that's rationally airtight about the act itself, although the bomber's reasons for doing so might be logical.

There is no indication that the bomber was seeking social acceptance. There is no indication that the bomber thought he would be captured, or that he cared about being captured, or that he thought the consequence of being captured outweighed the benefits of sending these threats. The unibomber's bombs were highly successful at disseminating his ideology, and other bomb threats have featured prominently in the news (e.g. the Austin bomber recently).

afaik, it isn't confirmed that the bombs are real. If they aren't, and he knows they aren't, then he knows that it wasn't physically dangerous. Emailing a bomb threat isn't nearly as impactful as sending a bomb threat, anonymous email threats happen all the time and don't make headlines unless there are other circumstances (e.g. a bomb goes off and then an email is sent threatening another bomb).

EDIT: nvm, just saw that an hour ago the guy was arrested and was apparently a nutjob Trump supporter, lol.
 
There is no indication that the bomber was seeking social acceptance. There is no indication that the bomber thought he would be captured, or that he cared about being captured, or that he thought the consequence of being captured outweighed the benefits of sending these threats. The unibomber's bombs were highly successful at disseminating his ideology, and other bomb threats have featured prominently in the news (e.g. the Austin bomber recently).

afaik, it isn't confirmed that the bombs are real. If they aren't, and he knows they aren't, then he knows that it wasn't physically dangerous. Emailing a bomb threat isn't nearly as impactful as sending a bomb threat, anonymous email threats happen all the time and don't make headlines unless there are other circumstances (e.g. a bomb goes off and then an email is sent threatening another bomb).

EDIT: nvm, just saw that an hour ago the guy was arrested and was apparently a nutjob Trump supporter, lol.

He's also previously had an attempt of some sort with a bomb previously. One writeup said he registered as Repub in 2016, so it looks like he is specifically a Trump supporter - who makes posts about fighting crime despite a lengthy rapsheet. Lol. Still wondering why all the bomb pics show no postmarks.
 
Apparently the city he mailed the bombs from is infamous for its corruption and incompetency, so maybe the postal workers there just dgaf.
 
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This sounds good until you start applying it to all sorts of marginal cases. One might say that every marginal or marginalized actor is behaving irrationally with this approach.

Edit: Alternatively, you could have an irrational society where the socialization and education supports irrationality.

I'm all for targeted, strategic marginal behavior, but then all we can do is judge on a case-by-case basis. There has to be some general consensus of rationality, or of what we can expect rational actors to do (although this definition can certainly change).

I don't think you can have an irrational society, especially if rationality derives from logic and knowledge. Logic is a normative science (according to F.P. Ramsey) and knowledge is socially structured. If you have a set of--generally speaking--socially agreed-upon values, then you have a basis for judging rationality.

Clearly this isn't as cut and dry as it sounds, but it has to occur at some complex level of social organization.

But as HBB said, the dude was a crazy Trump supporter, so no more need for conjecture.
 
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Oh yeah she's a tranny. My favourite thing of hers ever is this gem. She's basically arguing against the very concept of consent without realising it.



TL;DR if you prefer your women to have vaginas you're a bigot and since she's a progressive I have no doubt she'd love this kind of "transphobia" to be illegal.

She actually received a backlash from lesbians because, since transwomen (male to female) are way more seemingly common than transmen, her video ties into the LGBT schism about whether a lesbian should have sex with a chick-with-a-dick lmao.
 
Oh yeah she's a tranny. My favourite thing of hers ever is this gem. She's basically arguing against the very concept of consent without realising it.



TL;DR if you prefer your women to have vaginas you're a bigot and since she's a progressive I have no doubt she'd love this kind of "transphobia" to be illegal.

She actually received a backlash from lesbians because, since transwomen (male to female) are way more seemingly common than transmen, her video ties into the LGBT schism about whether a lesbian should have sex with a chick-with-a-dick lmao.

just the title made me laugh my ass off
 
My undergrad thesis advisor published a piece in The Chronicle of Higher Ed. It's really good, and speaks to a lot of problems the humanities are dealing with today. The article is behind a paywall, but here are some excerpts:

I vividly remember my own rude awakening. Each year Johns Hopkins held a competition in which graduate students would submit ideas for a course. The courses would be evaluated by a board of professors from different fields, and the winner would get to teach it. I walked into the interview with my syllabus for a course that purported to explain urban decay, novels, the nature of free-market economics, and the political history of the 1970s in one brilliant synthesis. My interviewers — professors in political science and history — greeted my ideas with withering skepticism. I cited illustrious figures in my field. To my horror, my interlocutors were unimpressed. They actually asked difficult questions about the reasoning behind the stars’ dicta. All I could do was repeat the hallowed formulas about representation and language with decreasing confidence as I realized the heroes of literature-department economic, political, and historical thought had no currency here. Later one of my English professors advised me to forget the incident. "They don’t understand our discipline," he said.

The vampiric Avital Ronell flourished in this disciplinary twilight zone. A widely read essay by the former chair of the German department who hired her shows her eviscerating the discipline’s norms, skills, and even objects of study. Supported by the dean as a rising star of interdisciplinary theory, Ronell became chair. As a student said of the world she created, "We study in a German department where French theory is taught in English." Books like her own Crack Wars (University of Nebraska Press, 1992) — in which the obscurity of the prose occasionally parts to reveal an astonishing ignorance of the most basic facts about addiction — were presented as the new models. The eradication of disciplinary limits opened the way to unlimited tyranny. Kramnick defines a discipline as "a body of skills, methods, and norms able to sustain internal discussions and do explanatory work." But in Ronell’s department, the star theorist’s words became the sole standard. Students were expected to cite Ronell or her master Derrida in every essay. And as the famous emails starkly reveal, the boundary separating the life of the student from the total domination of the totally liberated professor dissolved.

Many have interpreted the Butler letter denouncing Ronell’s accuser’s "malicious campaign" as an example of how an elite closes ranks to ward off threats to its power. It is certainly true that the case presents features that can be found in academic cultures of harassment that long predate the Sokal/Ronell era. And the #MeToo movement has starkly exposed the ubiquity of sexual harassment and abuse across all institutions and social spaces. But, in the specific ways it enables and denies such abuse, each institution presents special features. And I think the Butler letter expresses features peculiar to the Sokal/Ronell era in literary studies.

Disciplinary norms, skills, and objects represent for many humanists trained in this era the face of the oppressor. The influence of Foucault — whose most famous book conjoins the words "discipline" and "punish" — shaped an emphasis on systems of oppression, on how power weaves its way into disciplinary structures. Figures like Ronell serve as avatars of anti-disciplinary energies. While few of the signatories of Butler’s letter have written a book as extreme as Crack Wars, their reflexive identification with Ronell as a laudable source of resistance to power adheres to a broader, anti-disciplinary logic. Everything she represents — from her expertise-ignoring books to her administrative disregard of rules and boundaries — is an assault on the very idea of a discipline. How can someone opposed to every form of discipline be guilty of oppression? Anti-disciplinary thinking helped to create the conditions for Ronell’s abuses, and, once those abuses were exposed, it provided the vocabulary for defending and denying them.

We have seen enough to know that the eradication of disciplinary norms doesn’t create powerful new forms of knowledge by destroying old forms of oppression. Literary studies’ anti-disciplinary thought led to an empty, despised professional discourse while covering an entirely unprofessional intellectual and personal tyranny over a dwindling body of students.

In another excerpt, he astutely points out what's wrong with the most recent "grievance studies" hoax while also emphasizing what it should teach literature scholars about our field:

Ronell’s NYU department represents an extreme case. Even in elite departments, anti-disciplinary thinking rarely gained complete ascendency. My own early-2000s English department at Johns Hopkins sustained a number of critics highly skeptical of the boundary-devouring energies represented by figures like Ronell. The influence of such faux-interdisciplinary "stars" on the wider intellectual culture of the university largely evaporated in the wake of the Sokal affair. Yet because the anti-disciplinary revolutionaries were careful to leave tenure and the traditional circuits of academic cronyism untouched, they continue to wield power and influence within the field. Because of this, literary studies has yet to truly confront the practices exposed by Sokal. Senior figures in the field routinely respond with denial or defensiveness when the topic is raised.

But this denial invites a return of the repressed. Since we’ve never processed the affair, the scandal remains present tense, proliferating in strange new forms, some of which confuse rather than clarify the core issues. For example, a recent series of hoaxes targeting "grievance studies," dubbed "Sokal squared," purports to carry on Sokal’s critique. It’s true that some of the defenses of the hoaxed journals — for instance, that the sample size of accepted hoax articles was too small for a meaningful critique — recall Sokal denialism. The sample size is small, but the fact that it can be pretty hard to distinguish hoax articles from non-hoax articles (like this one, on "The Perilous Whiteness of Pumpkins") can’t be a good thing. Yet these new hoaxes are framed in such a way as to distract us from reckoning with the legacies of the Sokal/Ronell era. The hoaxers seek to show that certain political commitments correlate with poor intellectual practices. But their hoaxes show nothing of the kind. There are plenty of studies advancing feminist or anti-racist ideas that are grounded in solid disciplinary practice — in my own field, such work is routinely featured in journals like ELH, Representations, and Critical Inquiry. I’ve also read plenty of bad interdisciplinary work that doesn’t express any political commitment.

The new hoaxers seem to have bought the big lie of the Sokal/Ronell era: that scholars have abandoned solid disciplinary practices for political reasons. When pressed, the luminaries of the Sokal/Ronell era go to a political defense. We serve the cause of feminism and anti-racism! Any attack on our practices is an attack on our political ideals! Ronell’s defenders, for example, were quick to point to her status as a "feminist" scholar — though her colleagues described the absence of anything resembling feminist commitments in her publications. Similarly, the "grievance studies" hoaxes confusingly equate strong politics and weak interdisciplinary work. The hoaxers are chasing a phantom, and in the process reinforcing a malign and false equation between commitment to disciplines and hostility to justice. The implication many take from the "grievance" hoax is that our politics have led us away from scholarly neutrality, and we need to discipline our ideals. But the Sokal affair should teach us the opposite lesson: The viability of scholars’ ideals depends on the intellectual integrity of our work.
 
Did Sokal squared really simply attack "anti-disciplinary thinking" and not at least also the politics/practice non-divide? Separately, the author's appeal to "many studies" in journals based purely on ideas and work which can exist completely outside even social science and philosophy seems like scant supporting evidence. Psychoanalysis has its own journals, and the rest of psychology pays them no mind because they deal in non-falsifiable data akin to tarot card reading, or palm reading. Different religious denominations have their own corpus of exegeses on religious texts, yet these are not admitted as academic.