Would casual activists be better off deploying their best skills toward change (teachers teaching, coders coding, celebrities celebritizing) and leaving direct action in the hands of organizational pros? That seems sad, and a good recipe for lax, unchecked, uncoördinated effort. Should they work indirectly—writing letters, calling senators, and politely nagging congresspeople on Twitter? That involves no cool attire or clever signs, and no friends who’ll cheer at every turn. But there’s reason to believe that it works, because even bad legislators pander to their electorates. In a new book, “The Once and Future Liberal” (Harper), Mark Lilla urges a turn back toward governmental process. “The role of social movements in American history, while important, has been seriously inflated by left-leaning activists and historians,” he writes. “The age of movement politics is over, at least for now. We need no more marchers. We need more mayors.” Folk politics, tracing a fifty-year anti-establishmentarian trend, flatters a certain idea of heroism: the system, we think, must be fought by authentic people. Yet that outlook is so widely held now that it occupies the highest offices of government. Maybe, in the end, the system is the powerless person’s best bet.
The question, then, is what protest is for. Srnicek and Williams, even after all their criticism, aren’t ready to let it go—they describe it as “necessary but insufficient.” Yet they strain to say just how it fits with the idea of class struggle in a postindustrial, smartphone-linked world. “If there is no workplace to disrupt, what can be done?” they wonder. Possibly their telescope is pointing the wrong way round. Much of their book attempts to match the challenges of current life—a shrinking manufacturing sphere, a global labor surplus, a mire of race-inflected socioeconomic traps—with Marx’s quite specific precepts about the nineteenth-century European economy. They define the proletariat as “that group of people who must sell their labor powers to live.” It must be noted that this group—now comprising Olive Garden waiters, coders based in Bangalore, janitors, YouTube stars, twenty-two-year-olds at Goldman Sachs—is really very broad. A truly modern left, one cannot help but think, would be at liberty to shed a manufacturing-era, deterministic framework like Marxism, allegorized and hyperextended far beyond its time. Still, to date no better paradigm for labor economics and uprising has emerged.
History may not repeat itself, but it rhymes.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Inquisition
Moldbuggian "Cathedral" critiques seem more prescient than ever.
Nice Twain reference (it's better than Hegel's quote).
The significant difference here is that the state isn't torturing and executing people for heresy. People are choosing to censor themselves. That doesn't mean I think they should, but that's a qualification to make.
Also, Moldbug isn't a novel prophet. What he's saying has been said before, just in different words, and directed at different crowds.
https://www.nytimes.com/2017/08/27/...wind-screening.html?smid=tw-nytimes&smtyp=cur
^^ protest them 6 nazi's though
California legislators are set to vote this week on a bill that could criminalize using the wrong pronoun to refer to a transgender individual.
The bill, which passed the California state senate in May, has moved into the California state assembly as part of a slew of gender-based "anti-discrimination" laws designed to protect California residents who don't believe they fall into the gender binary.
https://twitter.com/edskrein/status/902244967296491520
will we see the reverse of this? I doubt it, but not sure I agree with his specific point about the character in Deadpool, and it shouldn't be on him to 'fix' diversity issues, rather casting directors
All-female Lord of The Flies remake faces backlash as it 'misses the point' and 'women wouldn't act like that'